久久久福利国产

Table of Contents

Introduction

A Wide-Spread Network with Shifting Power bases

The Ismailis in Medieval Syria

The Ismaili Strongholds in Syria and Iran

Between Crusaders and Mongol Invasions

Epilogue: The Ismaili Community Under the Mamluks

Introduction

Whether overtly or covertly, the Ismailis have played an important role in the cultural history聽 of Islam, particularly in Syria and Egypt, where they constituted the Fatimid聽caliphateThe Muslim political institution or state centred around the caliph, which came to an end, historically, in 1924 with the disappearance of the Ottoman Empire., which聽 was to last for around 200 years. After the fall of the聽Fatimids聽in 1171 CE and during the聽 subsequent diaspora, they became famous for their strongholds in Iran and Syria, from where聽 they intervened in the various conflicts between Christian powers and the Muslim kingdoms聽 in the Holy Land.

In religious terms, the Ismaili community is part of the larger diversity of the worldwide聽 Muslim聽umma. Over the passage of time, Muslims constituted a variety of groups, which聽 exemplified diverse ways of understanding the primal message of Islam and different聽 approaches to how that commonly held message could be reflected in the practical life and聽 organisation of the community. The Ismailis are one such group. They are part of the聽Shi鈥榓聽 branch of Islam, the Sunni being the other major branch, and have always constituted a聽 minority, historically and in the contemporary world. At present, the Ismailis live in over聽 twenty-five countries, in virtually every region of the world. In some of these regions, their聽 history goes back over a thousand years. Syria is one such example where the Ismaili聽 presence can be dated to the 9th century.

Among the聽Shi鈥榓, there were those who remained faithful to the line of Imams who聽 descended from聽Imam聽Ja鈥榝ar al-Sadiq (d. 765 CE) through his son,听Imam聽Ismail. Hence, they聽 came to be known as聽Isma鈥榠lis. There were other Shi鈥榠 groups who gave their allegiance to聽 different lines of Imams. The largest group among such other Shi鈥榠s are called Ithna鈥榓shari;聽 they believe in a line of twelve Imams, ending in the聽Mahdi聽who remains in occultation聽 (ghayba) and would reappear to grant salvation at the end of time.

A Wide-Spread Network with Shifting Power Bases

The difficult and divisive political climate of the time caused the early Ismaili Imams, fearing聽 persecution, to maintain anonymity. According to Ismaili historical sources, they lived during聽 this time in聽Salamiyya聽in central Syria. It was from聽Salamiyya聽that the Imams secretly guided聽 the activities of their followers from North Africa to聽Khurasan聽and Central Asia. During this early period, dating to the middle of the 9th century, the community came to be organised聽 through the institution known as the聽诲补鈥榳补. Although the term was not confined to the聽 Ismailis, their skilful organisation and effective communications gave it a very unique聽 character at the time. The individuals representing the聽诲补鈥榳补聽were known to lead exemplary ethical lives and possessed a keen knowledge of the highest intellectual sciences of the day.聽 Known as聽诲补鈥榠s, they also combined knowledge of diplomacy and public relations. Their role聽 was to summon people to the cause of Islam and of the Ismaili Imams and to promote the聽 social, moral and spiritual welfare of the community and the regions in which they lived.

The combined efforts of members of the聽诲补鈥榳补聽created strong support for the Imams in North聽 Africa, Yemen and Syria. It was however from Syria that the Imams guided the activities of聽 their followers in these different regions. Even after the Ismaili Imams began to rule as聽 Fatimid caliphs in Cairo, Syria continued to be an important region for their聽诲补鈥榳补聽activities,听 also comprising one of the dominions of the Fatimid state. Syrian Ismailis have therefore聽 constituted an important part of the Ismaili community throughout its history.

The history of Egypt itself, where the Fatimid rulers were in power from 969 CE to 1171 CE,听 experienced a long period of prosperity, during that period. The聽Fatimids聽established strategic聽 control over Mediterranean and Red Sea trade routes with Cairo serving as an entrep么t. They聽 generated a flourishing era of commercial activity which included Syria. Under Fatimid rule,听 Egypt participated vigorously in international trade with lands such as India and the Far East,

North Africa, Nubia, Europe, Byzantium (Constantinople in particular), Sicily and other聽 islands of the Mediterranean. Agriculture led to self-sufficiency, and industry was promoted.聽 Various religious communities, Jewish, Christian and Muslim, lived together in a spirit of聽 mutual respect and enjoyed prosperity under the relative stability of the time.

It was, however, in the sphere of intellectual life that Fatimid achievements seem most聽 brilliant and outstanding. The Fatimid rulers were lavish patrons of learning, and their聽 generous encouragement of scientific research and cultural activity caused Cairo, their newly聽 founded capital, to exert a degree of magnetic attraction, such as to draw renowned聽 mathematicians, physicians and astronomers to the city from all over the Muslim world.聽 Within the royal court, noted poets such as Ibn Hani and Tamim b. al-Mu鈥榠zz, and historians聽 and geographers such as al-Musabbihi and al-Muhallabi, flourished under the patronage of聽 the聽FatimidsMajor Muslim dynasty of Ismaili caliphs in North Africa (from 909) and later in Egypt (973鈥�1171) More. The universities of聽al-Azhar聽and聽Dar al-鈥業lm聽provided a monumental and聽 enduring testimony to the Fatimids鈥� love of learning. Figures of outstanding ability, such as聽 Abu Ya鈥榪ub al-Sijistani,听Qadi聽al-Nu鈥榤an, Hamid聽al-Din聽al-Kirmani, al-Mu鈥榓yyad fi鈥檒-Din al Shirazi and Nasir-i Khusraw, made crucial contributions to the articulation of Ismaili thought聽 which was characterised by a remarkably complex upsurge of intellectual activity which M.聽 Canard in the聽Encyclopaedia of Islam聽has described as analogous to that which took place in聽 Europe in the 18th century. The cultural impact of the Fatimid state was not confined to the聽 Muslim world. At the height of its power, while the Fatimid fleet and commerce dominated聽 the eastern Mediterranean, the influence of the universities in Cairo spread into Europe, with聽 Fatimid writers contributing significantly to the development in the West of sciences such as聽 optics, medicine and astronomy.

When the Persian poet and thinker Nasir-i Khusraw visited Cairo in 1047 CE, he was amazed聽 by the high level of prosperity and the security enjoyed by its citizens. 鈥淚 saw such personal聽 wealth there,鈥� he records in his聽厂补蹿补谤苍补尘补听(Book of Travels),1聽鈥渢hat were I to describe it,听 the people of Persia would never believe it.鈥� He goes on to report that 鈥渢he security and聽 welfare of the people have reached a point that drapers, money changers and jewellers do not聽 even lock their shops – they just lower a net across the front, and no one tampers with聽 anything.鈥�

The聽Fatimids聽attached great value and importance to education and learning. They聽 established one of the world鈥檚 earliest universities. Founded in 970 CE as the mosque of al Azhar (meaning 鈥楬ouse of Illumination鈥�), it was later transformed into a university with its聽 own curriculum, lecture halls and residences for teachers and students, funded generously by聽 the Imams.聽Al-Azhar聽became the foremost Fatimid institution of higher learning, specialising聽 in various religious sciences such as Qur鈥檃nic studies, theology and law.

Another important academic institution of the聽Fatimids聽was the聽Dar al-鈥業lm聽(鈥楬ouse of聽 Knowledge鈥�), also known as聽Dar al-Hikmah聽(鈥楬ouse of Wisdom鈥�). Founded by the Fatimid聽 Caliph-Imam al-Hakim in 1005 CE, this academy was accommodated with its own library in聽 a section of the Fatimid palace. It is likely that Hasan-i Sabbah himself, the future founder of聽 the Ismaili State in Iran, received some of his advanced education at this academy when he聽 visited Cairo in 1078 CE.

It was during the聽Alamut聽period in Nizari Ismaili history that Syrian Ismailis acquired major聽 prominence and became well-known in Europe. In the final decades of the 11th century a聽 group of Ismailis under the leadership of Hasan-i Sabbah (d. 1124 CE) established a state in聽 Iran. They had given allegiance to聽Imam聽Nizar, the eldest son and designated as聽Imam聽by the聽 last effective Fatimid Caliph-Imam al-Mustansir billah, who died in 1094 CE. As part of a聽 policy of consolidating relationships with other Ismailis, Hasan-i Sabbah sent emissaries to聽 Syria to assist the community in its organisation. Syria was politically fragmented. The first聽 Turkoman bands had entered Syria as early as 1055 CE, and the country was subsequently聽 invaded by the聽Saljuq聽armies. By 1078 CE, the whole of Syria, apart from a coastal strip聽 retained by the聽Fatimids, was under聽Saljuq聽rule or suzerainty; Tutush, the brother of the Great聽聽Saljuq聽Sultan Malikshah, had come to be recognised as the聽Saljuq聽overlord of Syria. As in聽 Persia,听Saljuq聽rule in Syria had caused many problems and was resented by the Syrians who聽 were divided amongst themselves and unable to expel the invaders. In time, factional fights聽 among the Saljuqs caused widespread disruption and Syria was broken into a number of聽 smaller states. It became the scene of rivalry among different聽Saljuq聽princes and amirs, each聽 one claiming a part of the country, while various minor local dynasties were at the same time聽 attempting to assert their independence.

The political fragmentation of Syria became more pronounced by the appearance of the聽聽Crusaders聽in 1097 CE. Starting from Antioch, the聽Crusaders聽advanced swiftly along the聽 Syrian coast and settled down in the conquered territories, establishing four Latin states based聽 in Edessa, Antioch, Tripoli and Jerusalem. The Frankish encroachment of Syria naturally聽 added to the apprehensions of the local population, complicating the聽Saljuq聽quarrels. In these聽 troubled times, the most important聽Saljuq聽rulers of Syria were Tutush鈥檚 sons Ridwan (1095聽 CE-1113 CE) and Duqaq (1095 CE-1104 CE), who ruled respectively from Aleppo and聽 Damascus.

The Ismailis therefore had to develop a strategy for survival and sustainability in these聽 troubled regions. An evident solution to this problem was to create well-fortified centres聽 where the community would find protection and freedom to organise and practise their faith.聽 Over time, they were successful in obtaining a number of fortresses in the mountain area聽 known then as the Jabal Bahra, today called the Jabal Ansariyya after its Nusayri population.

The Ismailis in Medieval Syria

The first Nizari leader in Syria, mentioned by the Damascene historian Ibn al-Qalanisi and聽 later sources, was known as al-Hakim al-Munajjim, the physician astrologer. Probably聽 accompanied by a number of supporters from聽AlamutFortress of the Nizari Ismailis in northern Iran, which fell to the Mongols in 654 AH/1256 CE., he appeared in Aleppo, and, by the聽 very beginning of the 12th century CE, managed to find a protector in the city鈥檚聽Saljuq聽ruler,听 Ridwan. Aleppo, in northern Syria, proved to be a hospitable environment. It had an聽 important Shi鈥榠 population and an existing link with Ismailis. They were thus able, under the聽 protection of the ruler, to establish themselves in Aleppo from where they could build聽 linkages with other Ismaili communities.

In due course, the Ismailis tried to extend their influence, with the support of the ruler of聽 Aleppo, to adjoining areas and soon came in conflict with the invading聽Crusaders聽who had聽 designs of their own for acquiring certain fortifications in the region. In the ensuing conflict,听 several Ismaili leaders and others were killed. This was probably the first encounter between聽 the聽Nizaris聽and the聽Crusaders聽in Syria. In 1110 CE, the Ismailis also lost Kafarlatha to the聽聽CrusadersA term applied to Christian invaders who carried out numerous campaigns to capture Jerusalem and Palestine from the Muslims in the 11th and 14th centuries CE., a lesser locality in the Jabal al-Summaq, which had come into their possession聽 sometime earlier.

Following the death of Ridwan in 1113 CE, the Ismaili fortunes began to be reversed in聽 Aleppo, since Ridwan鈥檚 young son and successor Alp Arslan adopted a more hostile stance聽 towards them. Many Ismailis were killed in ensuing conflicts. Some two hundred Ismailis of聽 Aleppo were also massacred or imprisoned and their properties were confiscated. Many,听 however, managed to escape to different areas, some even finding refuge in Frankish聽 territory. While unsuccessful in retaining a base in this region, many positive contacts had聽 been made with the local population who was generally supportive and sympathetic to the聽 Ismaili presence.

During the second period of their initial efforts to establish themselves, the Syrian Ismailis聽 concentrated their activities in southern Syria. In 1124 CE the new ruler of Aleppo, arrested聽 the local leader of the Ismailis and ordered the expulsion of the Ismailis who sold their聽 properties and departed from the city. The Ismaili centre of activities now shifted to聽 Damascus and other localities nearby. There, the Ismailis supported the local communities聽 against threats from the聽Crusaders, joining them in defending the major centres. The Turkish聽聽补迟补产别驳听(regent) of Damascus received Bahram, the Ismaili leader, with honour and gave him聽 official protection, further enhancing the position of the community there. At the same time,听 Bahram found an influential and reliable ally in the ruler鈥檚聽vizierA high officer of state, equivalent of a chief minister., Abu Ali Tahir b. Sad al Mazdaqani. Bahram requested that the community be given a fortress from which to defend聽 themselves, and in 1126 CE Tughtigin, the ruler, ceded the fortress of Baniyas, on the border聽 with the Latin kingdom of Jerusalem, which was then menaced by a Crusader army. Enjoying聽 the continued support of al-Mazdaqani, Bahram was also given a building in Damascus聽 which he used as local headquarters. Henceforth, Bahram further fortified Baniyas,听 developing residential facilities for himself and other Ismailis.

In 1129 CE, the governor of Damascus turned on the community against the Ismailis and a聽 massacre followed. His militia destroyed Ismaili homes and fortifications; those who聽 survived the onslaught were forced to flee. The fortress in Baniyas was surrendered to the聽 Franks, who were simultaneously advancing on Damascus. This ended a turbulent period in聽 the attempts of the Ismailis of Syria to find a base for themselves in a very divided region聽 beset by internal rivalries and external threats.

The surviving Ismailis concentrated their efforts on acquiring a network of safe strongholds.聽 They directed their attention to the Jabal al-Bahra, a mountainous region between Hama and聽 the coastline southwest of the Jabal al-Summaq, which was inhabited by Nusayris and聽 possessed a number of suitable castles. Few details are known about the Syrian聽Nizaris聽and聽 their聽诲补鈥榠s during this period, when they transferred their activities out of the cities, but it聽 seems that they were able to recover swiftly from their setback in Damascus.

After reorganising under the leadership of Abu鈥檒-Fath, they established themselves in the聽 Jabal Bahra, where the聽Crusaders聽had failed to gain permanent strongholds. In 1132-33 CE,听 the聽Nizaris聽came into possession of their first fortress in the Jabal Bahra by purchasing聽 Qadmus from the local warlord of Kahf, Sayf al-Mulk b. 鈥楢mrun who, with the assistance of聽 the Nusayris, had recovered the place from the Franks the previous year. From Qadmus,听 which became one of their major centres and often served as the residence of their leader, the聽 Syrian Ismailis extended their presence in the region. Shortly afterwards, they acquired Kahf聽 and were also able to drive out the Frankish occupants of the fortress of Khariba.

In 1140-41 CE, the聽Nizaris聽were able to control Masyaf, their most important stronghold in聽 Syria. Masyaf, situated about forty kilometres to the west of Hama, subsequently served as聽 headquarters of the Ismaili leadership in Syria. They also captured several other fortresses in聽 the Jabal Bahra, including Khawabi, Rusafa, Maniqa and Qulay鈥檃, which became collectively聽 designated as the聽qila鈥� al-诲补鈥榳补聽or the fortresses of the聽诲补鈥榳补. The famous Crusader聽 chronicler William of Tyre, writing a few decades later, puts the number of these castles at聽 ten and the Ismaili population of the region at 60,000.

The Ismaili Strongholds in Syria and Iran

Indeed, in less than twenty years after their misfortunes in Damascus, the Syrian Ismailis had聽 succeeded in establishing a network of mountain fortresses and consolidating their position聽 despite the hostility of the local rulers and the threats posed by the聽Crusaders, who were聽 active in the adjacent areas belonging to the Latin states of Antioch and Tripoli. As in Iran,听 however, they remained a local power controlling a particular territory and enjoying for some聽 time an independent status.

Life inside the castle would have been spartan and uncomfortable at the best of times. In聽 winter the temperatures are always icy, with freezing gales blowing down from the snowy聽 peaks surrounding the valley. In spite of the altitude, the summer months are hot and dusty,听 requiring the greatest vigilance for attacking forces. The castle itself would have been the聽 centre of continuous activity in all seasons. The water channels and cisterns had to be kept聽 clean, the armourers were busy forging new weapons, the carpenters and masons constructing聽 or maintaining mangonels, or repairing and enlarging the defences. The cooks were busy in聽 the kitchens, replenishing the food stores and keeping them in good order. 久久久福利国产, learning聽 and discussion filled the day for many, especially for those who aspired to become聽诲补鈥榠s.

Our account of life in the castles of Iran and Syria is based on historical data and聽 archaeological evidence. The same pattern is likely to have been replicated in all the great聽 fortresses of the Ismailis, such as Maymundiz, Girdkuh and Qain in Iran and Masyaf and聽 other Syrian castles, too. Time was spent in general maintenance and defensive work. Much聽 of the mythology surrounding the castles and the Ismailis is based largely on the highly unreliable account of the Venetian traveller Marco Polo, which became accepted by many as聽 fact until disproved by modern scholarship.

Marco Polo recounts during his journey to the court of the Mongol ruler Kublai Khan in the聽 years 1271-1290 CE that while passing through northeast Iran, he heard from local people聽 about the 鈥極ld Man of the Mountain鈥� and his fanatical band of devotees who lived in a聽 remote valley hidden in the mountains. The 鈥極ld Man鈥� was said to have built a garden in聽 which there was a palace where young men were seduced by drugs and wine into believing聽 that they were in Paradise as a reward for their acts of assassination.

The fictional nature of Marco Polo鈥檚 account was long suspected by scholars, and its聽 absurdities have been exposed more recently by various scholarly accounts. The very name聽 鈥極ld Man of the Mountain鈥� was never used in the Persian sources for Hasan-i Sabbah, but聽 applied in fact to Rashid聽al-Din聽Sinan of Syria. The persistent legend that the Ismaili聽蹿颈诲补鈥檌s聽 were drugged and received a foretaste of Paradise before being sent out on their mission is聽 clearly as absurd as it is fantastical. There is no contemporary Muslim evidence that this was聽 so.

We know further that when the historian Juwayni inspected聽Alamut聽after its surrender to the聽 Mongols in 1256 CE, he was greatly impressed by its library, water-cisterns and storage聽 facilities, but he makes no mention of any delectable secret garden or sumptuous palace聽 inside or outside the castle. It is unfortunate that Juwayni himself, after having examined the聽 original Ismaili documents and finding them full of 鈥渉eresy and error鈥� cast them into the聽 flames. The distortion of Ismaili history was thus often based on sheer invention and聽 fabrication.

The leadership of the Ismailis in Syria now came to be assumed by their most famous leader聽 Rashid聽al-Din聽Sinan. One of the prominent figures in Ismaili history, Sinan b. Salman (or聽 Sulayman) b. Muhammad Abu鈥檒-Hasan al-Basri, known also as Rashid聽al-Din, was born into聽 a Shi鈥榠 family in 鈥楢qr al-Sudan, a village near Basra on the road to Wasit. Sinan was brought聽 up in Basra, where he became a schoolmaster and adopted Ismailism. Subsequently he went聽 to聽Alamut聽and studied under the future聽Imam, Hasan II. During his stay at聽Alamut, Sinan聽 studied philosophy and in particular the well-known works of the Fatimid and Nizari periods聽 as well as benefiting from the library and other intellectual resources in聽Alamut. Soon after聽 his accession to power in 1162 CE,听Imam聽Hasan II sent Sinan to Syria. Initially, Sinan聽 remained at Kahf, one of the major Nizari fortresses in the Jabal Bahra, making himself聽 extremely popular with the local聽NizarisAdherents of a branch of the Ismailis who gave allegiance to Nizar, the eldest son of the Fatimid Imam-caliph al-Mustansir (d. 1094) as his successor., until聽Shaykh聽Abu Muhammad, the head of the聽 Syrian Nizari聽诲补鈥榳补聽died in the mountains. Soon afterwards, Sinan assumed the leadership of聽 the Syrian聽诲补鈥榳补聽on the instructions of the聽Imam.

Once established, Sinan began to consolidate the position of his community while building聽 relations with neighbouring rulers as well as the聽Crusaders聽who constituted, by their聽 presence, a general threat to all. He rebuilt the fortresses of Rusafa and Khawabi, fortified聽 and constructed other strongholds, and captured the fortress of Ullayqa, near the Frankish聽 castle of Marqab held by the Hospitallers. At the same time, while moving among the various聽 Nizari castles, especially Masyaf, Kahf and Qadmus, Sinan rapidly reorganised the Nizari聽 community.

Externally, Sinan aimed to protect the Ismailis from various potential threats and to balance聽 the various interests in the region. Clearly the聽Ayyubids聽under Salah聽al-Din聽represented a聽 stronger threat than the聽Crusaders聽at this time. Recognising existent realities, Sinan adopted聽 suitable policies in his dealings with the outside world; policies which were revised when聽 needed to reassure the safety and independence of his community. As a result, from early on,听 Sinan established peaceful relations with the聽Crusaders, who had been sporadically fighting聽 the聽Nizaris聽for several decades over the possession of various strongholds.

Meanwhile, the聽Nizaris聽had acquired a new Frankish enemy in the Hospitallers, who in 1142聽 CE had received from the lord of Tripoli the celebrated fortress of Crac des Chevaliers (Hisn聽 al-Akrad) at the southern end of the Jabal Bahra. The聽Nizaris聽continued to have minor聽 entanglements with the Hospitaller and Templar military orders, which owed their allegiance聽 directly to the Pope and often acted independently. Subsequently, around 1173 CE, Sinan聽 sent an embassy to King Amalric I, seeking a formal rapprochement with the kingdom of聽 Jerusalem. The negotiations were evidently proceeding successfully. But the Templars聽 disapproved of this Nizari embassy, and on their return journey Sinan鈥檚 emissaries were聽 ambushed and killed by a Templar knight. Amalric took punitive measures against the聽 Templars, but as he himself died soon afterwards in 1174 CE, the negotiations between聽 Sinan, known to the聽Crusaders聽as the 鈥極ld Man of the Mountain鈥�, and the Franks of聽 Jerusalem proved fruitless.

When Sinan assumed power,听Nur聽al-Din, the Zengid ruler of Syria, was preoccupied with his聽 policies against the聽Crusaders聽and the later Fatimid caliphs who were recognised as Imams聽 only by the Musta鈥榣i Ismailis. Nevertheless, relations between Sinan and聽Nur聽al-Din聽remained聽 relatively tense, due to the activities of the Ismailis in northern Syria. But聽Nur聽al-Din, who聽 finally succeeded through Salah聽al-Din聽in overthrowing the聽Fatimids聽in 1171 AH, did not聽 attack the Ismailis, though it is reported that he was planning a major expedition against them聽 just before his death. The death of聽Nur聽al-Din聽in 1174 CE, the same year in which Amalric I聽 died, finally gave Salah聽al-Din聽his opportunity to act as the champion of the Muslims and the聽 leader of the holy war against the聽Crusaders. As the strongest of the Muslim rulers in the聽 area, Salah聽al-Din聽strove towards incorporating Egypt, Syria and Iraq into his nascent聽 Ayyubid empire. As a result, he targeted the Ismailis of Syria, as well as the rulers of Aleppo聽 and Mawasil. Salah聽al-Din聽entered Damascus in 1174 CE and in the following year invaded聽 the Ismaili territory besieging Masyaf. The siege was brief and following mediation by a聽 local governor, Salah聽al-Din聽concluded a truce with Sinan and withdrew his forces from the聽 area. Henceforth, hostilities ceased between the two men, who had come to an agreement on聽 peaceful co-existence.

Rashid聽al-Din聽Sinan died in 1193 CE in the castle of Kahf. In the course of some thirty years,听 Sinan had led the Syrian聽Nizaris聽to a position of power and influence. The ablest of their聽 chiefs, he gave the Syrian聽Nizaris聽an independent identity; with their own sphere of influence,听 a network of strongholds and a strong organisation. His shrewd strategies and appropriate聽 alliances with the Zangids, the聽Crusaders, and Salah聽al-Din, served to ensure the聽 independence of the Ismailis of Syria in difficult times.

The inscriptions at Masyaf, Kahf and other strongholds, and from a few Syrian literary聽 sources indicate continuity after Sinan鈥檚 death. The Ismailis were led by several able聽 individuals until 1258 CE, in consultation with the Imams in聽Alamut. Like the Nizari聽 community in Quhistan, in eastern Persia, the Syrian聽Nizaris聽continued during this period to exercise a certain degree of local initiative in dealings with their Muslim and Frankish聽 neighbours. The Syrian Ismailis had, on the whole, maintained peaceful relations with Salah聽 al-Din鈥檚 Ayyubid successors in Syria. But occasional conflict continued in their dealings with聽 the Franks, who still held the Syrian coast.

There were over 60 castles and forts in the聽Alamut聽valley and in Rudbar, about 80 in聽聽KhurasanThe northeastern region of early Islamic Persia, immediately south of Transoxania and west of Badakhshan. More, and some 50 in other parts of Iran. In Syria, the Ismailis held 60 castles of various聽 sizes in the Jabal Bahra between Aleppo and Damascus. Thus in Iran and Syria there were聽 some 250 fortifications, illustrating the extent and organisation of the Ismailis. All the major聽 fortresses were well-built and provided for, with cisterns of water fed by springs or rain water聽 and well-supplied with provisions, stored in huge underground chambers. Their libraries, too,听 were renowned and the objects of much envy.

鈥淭here can be no doubt鈥�, says Peter Willey, 鈥渁bout the efficiency of the Ismaili聽 administration. This is reflected most impressively in the immense logistical tasks involved in聽 the construction and maintenance of more then 200 castles scattered over vast distances. The聽 construction of new castles required, first of all, detailed survey work and planning of a high聽 order. The execution of the project must have been carried out by a group of supervisors in聽 charge of quarrying the required stonework, and its transportation to the castle site. Under聽 their command would be teams of masons, builders, water engineers, plasterers and other聽 skilled workers. The huge amounts of stone required for keeping the castles and garrisons in聽 good repair for many months and even years demanded what we would call today a聽 quartermaster general and his staff of the highest quality. Finally, the continuous construction聽 and strengthening of these castles would not have been possible without a large and聽 permanent labour force, moving from one site to another as required. We have no information聽 on the composition of these workers, although a good portion of them are certain to have聽 been Ismailis recruited and trained locally.鈥澛�2

Between Crusaders and Mongol Invasions

In the previous section, reference has already been made to the relations between Sinan and聽 the Crusader kingdoms in the Holy Land. Other historic contacts need to be mentioned here.聽 In 1227 CE, Frederick II (1212-1250 CE), the Emperor of Germany who went to the Holy聽 Land on his own Crusade, sent envoys to Majd聽al-Din, the Syrian Ismaili leader. However,听 around the same time, the Hospitallers who had been highly displeased with the dealings聽 between the Ismailis and Frederick II, demanded a tribute from the Ismailis. The Ismailis聽 refused, announcing the fact that indeed they themselves were recipients of gifts and聽 payments from Frankish emperors and kings.

The last important event in the history of the Ismaili community of this medieval period聽 relates to the dealings between them and Louis IX, better known as St Louis, the French king聽 who led the Seventh Crusade. These dealings, recorded by Jean de Joinville, the king鈥檚聽 biographer and secretary, occurred soon after the arrival of St Louis in 鈥楢kka (Acre) in May聽 1250 AH. At the time, they were most probably still under the leadership of Taj聽al-Din聽Abul Futuh, whose name is mentioned in an inscription at Masyaf dated February-March 1249 CE.聽 At any rate, Ismaili emissaries came to the French king and asked him either to pay tribute or聽 at least release them from the tribute which they themselves paid to the Templars and the聽 Hospitallers. On the intervention of Reginald of Vichiers and William of Chateauneuf, the聽 Grand Masters of the Temple and the Hospital, the negotiations between the Ismailis and St Louis did not lead to any results. St Louis, himself more interested in establishing friendly聽 relations with the Mongols, did not pay any tribute to them. But the French king and the聽 Syrian Ismaili leadership exchanged gifts. It was in the course of these embassies that the聽 Arabic-speaking friar Yves le Breton met with Ismaili scholars and discussed religious聽 doctrines in Masyaf.

The Mongol onslaught on the Muslim world and in particular on the Ismaili state in Iran must聽 have disheartened the Syrian community, who could no longer count on the support and聽 leadership of聽Alamut聽and the personal guidance of the Nizari聽Imam聽after the destruction of聽聽Alamut聽in 1256 CE. Considerably weakened, the Syrian Ismailis eventually submitted to al Malik al-Zahir Rukn聽al-Din聽Baybars I (1260-1277 CE), the Bahri Mamluk Sultan of Egypt,听 who soon extended his hegemony over Syria and its different principalities.

Meanwhile, having destroyed the Ismaili state of Iran, Hulagu, the Mongol conqueror had聽 proceeded towards his second major objective, the extinction of the Abbasid聽caliphate. By聽 February 1258 CE, the Mongols seized Baghdad and devastated the ancient capital of the

Abbasids聽for a whole week. The聽Caliph聽al-Mustasim, who had endeavoured in vain to聽 prevent the Mongol cataclysm, was put to death on Hulagu鈥檚 orders. Hulagu鈥檚 third campaign聽 was directed against the Ayyubid states in Syria. In 1260 CE, the Mongols seized Aleppo,听 and soon afterwards Hama and Damascus surrendered to the Mongols. In March 1260 CE,听 Ket-Buqa, who had been in charge of the advance operations of the Mongols in Syria, made聽 his triumphal entry into Damascus. It was during the same year, 1260 CE, that four of the聽 Nizari fortresses, including Masyaf, were surrendered to the Mongols by their governors. The聽 Mongol success in Syria was, however, short-lived. Hulagu returned to Iran in the summer聽 upon hearing the news of the Great Khan Mongke鈥檚 death, which in fact had occurred a year聽 earlier in 1259 CE, leaving Ket-Buqa in command of his reduced forces in Syria. In 1260 CE,听 the Mongols suffered a drastic defeat at Ayn Jalut, in Palestine, at the hands of the Mamluk聽 armies of Egypt, led by Sultan al-Muzaffar Qutuz (1259-1260 CE).

The vanguard of the Mamluk forces was commanded by Baybars, who succeeded Qutuz to聽 the Mamluk聽sultanate聽and thwarted the Mongols in their subsequent attempts to establish聽 themselves in the region. Soon, the Mongols were expelled from all of Syria, where Baybars聽 rapidly emerged as the dominant power. The Ismailis were now faced with the challenge of聽 developing relations with the Mamluks and other Muslim rulers whom they joined in聽 repelling the Mongols from Syria. They also recovered the four fortresses which they had聽 earlier lost.

Epilogue: The Ismaili Community under the Mamluks

The Ismailis attempted to consolidate their relations with Baybars by sending him embassies聽 and gifts. Baybars, who was then preoccupied with the Mongols and the Franks, reciprocated聽 by granting certain favours to the community. Nonetheless, from early on Baybars聽 systematically adopted measures which ultimately led to the loss of the independence of the聽 Ismaili community. They eventually granted rights to Ismaili territories to al-Malik al-Mansur聽 (1244-1285 CE), the Ayyubid prince of Hama. The Ismailis however retained possession of聽 eight permanent strongholds, Masyaf, Qadmus, Kahf, Khawabi, Rusafa, Maniqa (Maynaqa),听 Ullayqa and Qulay鈥檃.

Increasingly, Baybars compelled the Ismailis to adhere to a practice of paying them tributes聽 and ensuring that they acknowledged the suzerainty of the Mamluk state. Around 1270 CE,听 Baybars demanded possession of Masyaf, which was to be entrusted to one of his own amirs,听 Izz聽al-Din聽al-Adimi. Sarim聽al-Din, who was to hold the Nizari castles as the deputy of聽 Baybars, proceeded to take charge of them. But Sarim聽al-Din, too, angered the sultan by聽 attempting through trickery to take possession of Masyaf, in violation of the sultan鈥檚聽 instructions. Once inside, he put to death a large number of the residents of Masyaf, who,听 abiding by the sultan鈥檚 orders, had refused to yield the castle to him. On Baybars鈥� request, al Malik al-Mansur, the ruler of Hama, dislodged the rebellious Sarim聽al-Din聽from Masyaf and聽 sent him as a prisoner to Cairo, where he later died.

By February 1271 CE, Baybars had decided to deal more assertively with the Ismailis. Their聽 leaders were arrested and forced to surrender control of the fortresses to the Mamluks(1250-1517 CE), the word Mamluk is derived from Arabic, and literally means 鈥榦wned鈥� or 鈥榩ossessed鈥�. The Mamluks were slave soldiers, mostly of Turkish origin, who served under various Muslim dynasties…. The聽 Ismaili castles now began to submit in rapid succession to Baybars, who used military聽 blockades, threats and negotiations in dealing with the Ismailis. Ullayqa and Rusafa聽 surrendered in May 1271 CE, and by May 1273, Khawabi, Qulay鈥檃, Maniqa and Qadmus had聽 also capitulated. The residents of Kahf mustered some resistance, and with the fall of that聽 fortress in July 1273 CE the last independent Nizari outpost in Syria fell into the hands of the聽 Mamluks, less than three years after Girdkuh, the last stronghold in Iran had surrendered to聽 the Mongols.

The Ismailis were permitted to remain in their fortresses in the Jabal Bahra, but only under聽 the strict supervision of Mamluk lieutenants. Amongst the later medieval sources speaking of聽 the Syrian聽Nizaris, an elaborate account is related by the celebrated Moorish traveller lbn聽 Battuta, who passed through Syria for the first time in his travels in 1326 CE. He names聽 Maniqa, Ullayqa, Qadmus, Kahf and Masyaf as the fortresses which were still in the hands of聽 the Ismailis, and then proceeds to give interesting details on the arrangements existing聽 between them and the Mamluk Sultan al-Nasir Nasir聽al-Din聽Muhammad, who reigned聽 intermittently between 1294 CE and 1340 CE. The Syrian Ismailis thus lived at the time as聽 loyal subjects of the Mamluks and after them, the Ottoman Empire鈥檚 representatives in Syria.

In the midst of fluctuating political fortunes, the Ismailis of Syria as elsewhere, sought to聽 maintain, as far as was possible, an active and vibrant intellectual and cultural life. As the late聽 Marshall Hodgson observed: 鈥淭he Ismaili society was not a typical mountaineer and small town society (…) Each community maintained its own sense of initiative in the framework of聽 the wider cause, and probably a sense of large strategy was never completely absent (…) but聽 what was most distinctive was the high level of intellectual life. The prominent early Ismailis聽 were commonly known as scholars, often as astronomers, and at least some later Ismailis聽 continued the tradition. In聽Alamut, in Kuhistan, and in Syria, at the main centres at least,听 were libraries (…) which were well known among Sunni scholars. To the end the Ismailis聽 prized sophisticated interpretations of their own doctrines, and were also interested in every聽 kind of knowledge which the age could offer.鈥�3

1. Nasir-i Khusraw,听厂补蹿补谤-苍补尘别听[鈥淏ooks of Travels鈥漖, N.W. Pur, Tehran 1972
2. 笔.奥颈濒濒别测,听Eagle鈥檚 Nest: Ismaili Castles in Iran and Syria, London 2005
3. M.G.S. Hodgson,听The Order of Assassins, The Hague 1955